Reading notes: Epistolae Sancti Cypriani

I have recently become the happy owner of some old but inexpensive copies of various Church Fathers’ works. Reading on a screen for long streches of time is quite tiring, so having physical editions should enable me to finally read more of these authors.

My first reading project will be the Letters of Saint Cyprian (ca. 200-258). I have read a few of these already in the past (as well as his De Oratione Dominica) and found them interesting enough. There are 81 letters in the collection and they account for about 330 pages in the edition I will use. I am planning on reading about 10 pages a day on average but I’m not sure this will be sustainable in the long run. Maybe I’ll stop before reaching the end, maybe I’ll read the whole thing, in the end it doesn’t really matter.

I’ll use this thread to post short reading notes, at least one for each letter. Anything will go: a difficult sentence, a nice turn of phrase, new words, etc. Maybe this will generate interesting discussions. And if anyone wants to join for some kind of read along, this is fine by me!

Nice. Good luck, Shenoute.

Hi Shenoute, I’m looking forward to your notes. Meanwhile, may I return for a moment to the Acts of the Pagan Martyrs, where just as with Cyprian we have what what purport to be verbatim transcripts of the official proceedings which culminated in condemnation to death. It’s striking that in the case of Cyprian (and other Christian martyrs?) the proceedings are a virtual mirror image of the proceedings in the case of the pagan martyrs, with the interrogation conducted by the Roman Emperor or in Cyprian’s case by the Roman proconsul. I’m wondering how you view the relationship.

Thanks!

I’m probably not very well equipped to say anything valuable on this topic. There is also the fact that the texts are fragmentary and the corpus is not that large, which makes comparison harder. But, having read the texts in Musurillo’s translation, I must say I see both similarities and differences.

The overall tone can be quite different from Christian acts, with the Alexandrians being much more vindicative, insolent:

The emperor (then) recalled Appian. The emperor said: ‘Now you know whom you are speaking to, don’t you?’
Appian: ‘Yes, I do: Appian speaks to a tyrant.’
The emperor: ‘No, to an emperor.’
Appian: ‘Say not so! Your father, the divine Antoninus, was fit to be emperor. For, look you, first of all he was a philosopher ; secondly, he was not avaricious; thirdly, he was good. But you have precisely the opposite qualities: you are tyrannical, dishonest, crude!’

Maybe there are Christian acts where exchanges of this type could be found but my impression is that the martyr is generally much calmer, content with exposing his faith and letting the magistrate do as he wishes to.

Another difference are the sometimes very business-like dealings:

‘… And he is deprived of his property. Wherefore I shall bring forward an additional point, my Lord, which will undoubtedly arouse in you disbelief and scepticism, until we read the documents. He forced people to pay him interest even for a period in which, in some cases, they had not as yet even received the loan. And what is his reply? That you were absent at the time and hence were unaware of the letters that had been written you on the matter. But these will demonstrate quite clearly Maximus’ craft and cunning in this connexion.’ [Various documents are read.] ‘Now the last document clearly sets a seal on the devotion and love he felt for the boy. While we are being oppressed, whenever he leaves the province (?) …

Here it feels like a real procedure, with documents being presented and read. I don’t think this is too common in Christian acts, where the confession of faith and refusal to sacrifice to pagan gods is the only ‘document’ needed.

But I also found some similarities, maybe more with the Coptic texts than the Latin acts of Cyprian. Here too, there are miracles:

Hermaiscus said : ‘What do you mean, I answer you insolently, greatest emperor? Explain this to me.’
Caesar said: ‘Pretending that my Council is filled with Jews.’
Hermaiscus: ‘So, then, the word “‘Jew” is offensive to you? In that case you rather ought to help your own people and not play the advocate for the impious Jews.’
As Hermaiscus was saying this, the bust of Serapis that they carried suddenly broke into a sweat, and Trajan was astounded when he saw it. And soon tumultuous crowds gathered in Rome and numerous shouts rang forth, and everyone began to flee to the highest parts of the hills…

…and pathos(?):

The emperor said: ‘And who receives this money?’
Appian said: ‘You do.’
The emperor: ‘Are you certain of this?’
Appian: ‘No, but that is what we have heard.’
The emperor: ‘You ought not to have circulated the story without being certain of it. (I say,) executioner!’
As Appian was being taken off to execution he noticed a dead body and said: ‘Ah, dead one, when I go to my country, I shall tell Heraclianus
(P. Oxy. 33)
my father and .. .’ And while he was saying this, turning around he saw Heliodorus and said: ‘Have you nothing to say, Heliodorus, at my being led to execution?’ Heliodorus said: “Το whom can we speak, if we have no one who will listen? On, my son, go to your death. Yours shall be the glory of dying for your dearest native city. Be not distressed; …’

The last two quotes makes me doubt we really have accurate and verbatim accounts of what actually happened, but who knows? My overall feeling is that, even if there may be some actual authentic kernel, the text we have is the product of a careful reshaping, done with the goal of making the martyr sound sharper and wittier, more eloquent and courageous than he may have been.

At any rate, I am reminded of the (admittedly small) parts I read of the acts of the Templars’ process (vol. 1, vol. 2). It’s been a long time, so I may err in my recollection, but I remember the knights’ confessions being very much alike, which made me think we may have the gist of what they said but certainly not the exact way they said it.
This would be consistent with what I have read about Qing dynasty memorials on legal cases:

These records are probably as close as we will ever get to the “voice” of the illiterate in late imperial China. But they are not verbatim transcriptions of witnesses’ utterances; rather, they are summaries of testimony crafted from witnesses’ answers to questions posed during interrogation. The answers were strung together in the form of a monologue in the “voice” of the witness. … These statements were shaped by the priorities of the magistrate, and should not be mistaken for purely spontaneous declarations.
(Sommer, quoted in Hegel, > True Crimes in Eighteenth-century China> , p. 18)

On the other hand, I remember reading bits of Joan of Arc’s trial (vol. 1) and finding the Q&A to sound very genuine.

Many thanks for your thoughts Shenoute, all very sensible. I agree there’s clear difference between the Christian martyrdoms and the pagan ones. For one thing, there are no miracles in the pagan ones. For me that’s enough to establish that the Christian ones have significant elements of fabrication, evidently for the purposes of Christian propaganda and evangelism, their martyrdoms brought into conformity with Christ’s own.

The pagan ones ring much truer to me. If they’ve been doctored it would seem to be in the interests of Alexandrian anti-imperialism, in line with the persistent friction (to put it mildly) between Emperor and the (non-Jewish) prickly Alexandrian nobility, who valued their autonomy (and did have a reputation for wit, by the way). It’s frustratingly difficult to figure out just how accurately the documents represent the actual events, but despite my habitual cynicism I’m inclined to give them the benefit of the doubt.

In case you know it only from Musurillo, here’s the original publication of the proceedings involving the gymnasiarch Appianus that you fasten on (P.Oxy. I 33).
https://archive.org/details/oxyrhynchuspapyr01grenuoft/page/68/mode/1up?view=theater.
After extensive discussion Grenfell and Hunt said “In any case there is no room for doubting that we have in our papyrus a private copy of a most important official document, which gives not only a vivid but a faithful presentation of a remarkably dramatic scene.”

Of course much water has passed under the bridge since then (this was in the very first volume of the Oxyrhynchus papyri), but the precise truth of the matter is still not settled.

But there are, no? At least one, the bust of Serapis breaking sweat.

And thank you for introducing me to those texts! I wish the corpus were larger, to make comparison easier with the acts of Christian martyrs. Do you know if more fragments have turned up since Musurillo’s publication?

Epistola I (Ad Donatum. Bene admones…)

NB. The numbering of Cyprian’s letters differs from edition to edition so I’ll give the first few words, bar the address, for reference.

This letter is rather long and it seems not everybody agrees it actually is a letter. Accordingly, it is sometimes printed apart from Cyprian’s correspondance, as a standalone treaty.

Cyprian first sets the scene, inviting Donatus to a chat in a garden, under the shade of a vitea porticus, away from the noise of the household (Ac ne colloquium nostrum arbiter prophanus impediat, aut clamor intemperans familiae strepentis obtundat, petamus hanc sedem).
Cyprian starts by talking about baptism and how it changed him. He then goes on a vivid description of vices and moral turpitudes in various parts of society, before contrasting this situation with the tranquillity one gains from God (una placida et fida tranquillitas, una solida et firma et perpetua securitas).

The beginning of the letter felt very…literary. Much more ornate than the other works of Cyprian I had read before. Baluze’s commentary (1726), which I read after the letter, does indeed mention that Augustine thought Cyprian had overdone things a bit here: Cyprianumque reprehendit quod illam spumeo verborum ambitu ornaverit.
There were some sentences I needed to reread before moving on. The one that caused me the most trouble was this one:

Sed postquam undae genitalis auxilio superioris aevi labe detersa, in expiatum pectus serenum ac purum desuper se lumen infudit, postquam caelitus spiritu hausto in novum me hominem nativitas secunda reparavit, mirum in modum protinus confirmare se dubia, patere clausa, lucere tenebrosa, facultatem dare quod prius difficile videbatur, geri posse quod impossibile putabatur, ut esset agnoscere terrenum fuisse quod prius carnaliter natum delictis obnoxium viveret, Dei esse coepisse quod jam Spiritus sanctus animaret.

The two things that threw me off on my first read were:

  • the series of infinitives as main verbs, while I kept waiting for a finite verb form. This use of the infinitive is something I associate with historians so I wasn’t expecting it here (and I’m still not sure I understand how facultatem dare works here)
  • ut esset agnoscere, esse+Infinitive for “to be possible to,…”. L&S says it is “mostly poet. and post-class.”

After this, it was smoother reading and I really enjoyed the section where Cyprian has Donatus picture himself on top of a mountain and shows him all kinds of shameful behaviours (Paulisper te crede subduci in montis ardui verticem celsiorem, speculare inde rerum infra te jacientium facies; et oculis in diversa porrectis, ipse a terrenis contactibus liber fluctuantis mundi turbines intuere). Cyprian first describes the world, before spending more time on specific public places: the circus, the forum, and the theatre. Next are private vices, and finally honors and riches.

There are some striking passages here and I’ll just quote a couple of them:

On the circus
Homo occiditur in hominis voluptatem; et ut quis possit occidere peritia est, usus est, ars est. Scelus non tantum geritur, sed et docetur. Quid potest inhumanius, quid acerbius dici? Disciplina est ut perimere quis possit, et gloria est quod perimit.

On the forum
Incisae sint licet leges duodecim tabulis, et publice aere praefixo jura praescripta sint, inter leges ipsas delinquitur, inter jura peccatur. Innocentia nec illic ubi defenditur reservatur. Saevit invicem discordantium rabies, et inter togas pace rupta forum litibus mugit insanum, hasta illic et gladius et carnifex praesto est ungula effodiens, equuleus extendens, ignis exurens, ad hominis corpus unum supplicia plura quam membra. Quis inter haec vero subveniat? Patronus? Sed praevaricatur et decipit. Judex? Sed sententiam vendit.

The whole thing reminded me of Seneca, not only because of the topics, but also because Cyprian, like Seneca, is highly quotable at times:
Exempla fiunt quae esse jam facinora destiterunt. (on immoral theatre plays)
Esse jam inter nocentes innoxium crimen est. Malos quisquis non imitatur offendit. (on the forum)
Possident ad hoc tantum ne possidere alteri liceat. (on riches)

It also reminded me of an extract of Hugh of Saint Victor’s De vanitate mundi I read recently, in which the interrogans is shown various situations of human life (travelers being attacked, schools, etc.):

D.- (…) Constitue igitur te quasi in quadam mentis specula, et eius aciem in arcam huius mundi circumquaque lustrandam dirige, ut totus contemplanti coram positus sit mundus, et inde tibi universa demonstrabo, quae prius vel non visa ignorasti, vel visa non quomodo oportuit, considerasti. (…)
D.- Converte te nunc ad aliud, et vide.
I.- Conversus sum, et video.
D.- Quid vides?
I.- Video homines pergentes viam suam multis et magnis mercibus onustos, camelos innumerabilies onera diversa portantes, plaustra plurima, et bigas non paucas in comitatu euntium. Omnem speciem pigmentorum atque aromatum ibi video, omnia genera pretiosarum vestium agnosco, ingentes massas metallorum omnium, et omnem lapidem pretiosum ibi conspicio, equos et mulos, et mancipia, greges armentorum et pecorum, absque numero.
D.- Unde putas isti veniunt, aut quo vadunt?
I.- Videtur quod homines de regione longinqua adveniant, et omnes has rerum copias in exteras nationes lucri causa commutandas traducant. Apparent autem viri ferventes et alacres, et quantum ex ipso eorum gaudio datur intelligi, prospere incedentes.
D.- Quid tibi videtur?
I.- Studium satis laboriosum ego video, sed rerum novitas, et lucri cupiditas dulcia laborantibus solatia praestant.
D.- Exspecta, et videbis tantus labor quantum capiet fructum.
I.- Fructus praesens est, si permanens esse potest.
D.- Sustine parumper, quod futurum est cito veniet.
I.- Iam longius processerunt.
D.- Quid vides?
I.- Cuneum armatorum de fauce prodire ego video, et timeo ne insidiae sint.
D.- Timor tardus dolorem non effugiet.
I.- Uno pariter impetu descendunt, et quasi viri latrones ad diripiendam praedam veniunt. Iam viatores nostros anxios et trementes circa sarcinas suas conglobari video, arma capessere quemque e regione sui oneris adventum hostium exspectare, omnia circumspicere, nullum hominem praeter eos hinc aut illinc patere, loca circum omnia longe lateque deserta esse, omnem hominum conversationem procul consistere, auxilium nullum vel sperari posse. Undique hostes concurrere, uno animo impetum facere, multitudine plures, cupiditate fortes, solitudine audaces. Quid, miseri, frustra contenditis? Quid resistitis? Quid in supremo periculo constituti, vitam cum rebus perdere vultis? Hei mihi, iam alios necari, alios spoliari prospicio, alios mortuos cadere, alios vix nudos effugere video. Sed utrum sic cadentes, an sic effugientes magis miseros dicam, ignoro. Illi enim moriendo a miseria liberantur, isti mortem effugiendo ad alteram miseriam reservantur. Quos potius plangam? Quos magis arguam? Plangam morientes, et arguam fugientes. Nonne etiam rectissime et illi de tali morte arguendi, et isti de tali fuga plangendi sunt? Quia et illos in mortem miseram traxit avaritia, et istos fugientes a morte excipit morte maior miseria.
D.- Quid tibi videtur, quale est hoc opus hominis?
I.- Vanitas est, et vanitas vanitatum.

Lastly, the edition I have doesn’t offer a lot of notes (about 40 for 700 pages of text) but there is one about the following sentence:
Hic jucundum sermonibus diem ducere et studentibus fabulis in divina praecepta conscientiam pectoris erudire.
This is from the beginning of the letter, when Cyprian is inviting Donatus to spend the day discussing religious matters. According to the note, deest hic aliquid. Sensus enim non est integer.
I don’t understand why they would say that since the sentence seems fine: Hic jucundum (est) sermonibus diem ducere. Am I missing something obvious?

You’re right, the sweating Serapis will be a miracle imagined for the occasion—perhaps by the Alexandrian delegation itself, in retrospect? But that may be a bit of a stretch. Sweating/weeping/bleeding religious statues are everywhere, of course, but this one is clearly symbolic of the embassy’s failure. It’s quite out of line with the miracles performed by saints-to-be, but it’s a “sign” all right—an ill omen.
I’m afraid I’m not at all well up on these Acta, and I don’t know of any more recent finds. It wouldn’t be too surprising if there were something somewhere, but nothing newer in Molly Whittaker’s Jews and Christians: Graeco-Roman Views? (Not that it would be there if Jews were not mentioned, which they might well not be.)

I appreciate your notes on the Cyprian letter, which to judge from your extracts is quite reminiscent of Seneca in the cleverness of its phrasing and its moralistics. I like Possident ad hoc tantum ne possidere alteri liceat (though Seneca would have put it more crisply). I can’t help with the Hic jucundum note, but I’m not sure I understand studentibus fabulis etc.

Yes, you’re right, it’s more a sign than a miracle. I just found it an interesting parallel with some Christian texts.

About studentibus fabulis, I didn’t want to make my first post longer than it already was but Baluze finds it problematic too:

Ego semper existimavi locum hunc esse mendosum et viros doctissimos frustra hactenus laborasse in eo emendando vel explicando. Cum vero ei quaererem medicinam, occurit mihi commutandam fortean esse vocem > studentibus > cum voce > ludentibus> , ut istic legatur > ludentibus fabulis> , ut apud Minucium > fabulis fallentibus> *. Nam fabulis ludere dixit Ausonius in epistola tertia ad librum ut eat ad Probum: > Suescat peritis fabulis simil jocari et ludere> .

[*> Oct. > 3,4: Sensim itaque tranquilleque progressi oram curvi molliter littoris, iter fabulis fallentibus, legebamus.]

On the other hand, translations I just checked seem to take studentibus fabulis as is: “by diligent discussions”, “par de méditatives causeries”…

Epistolae II (Didicimus secessisse benedictum Papam Cyprianum…)
Epistolae III(Cum de excessu boni viri collegae mei…)

Both of these are quite short and form the two halves of an (indirect) exchange between the clergy of Rome and Cyprian, then bishop of Carthage. They must have been written in 250 AD, during the Decian persecution.

In Epistola II, the Roman clergy (Pope Fabian had died a martyr and his sucessor had not yet been elected) writes to the clergy of Carthage and criticises Cyprian for having left his flock to go into hiding.
Epistola III is Cyprian’s answer. He starts his letter by praising Pope Fabian and adresses the criticism that was leveled at him only at the end of the letter. The way he does it is, I think, quite clever. Instead of defending himself and explaining the rationale behind his actions (he would do it in other works), he simply expresses his doubts that Epistola II could have been written by the Roman clergy: the writing, the contents, and the material itself on which it is written, all of these make him doubt its authenticity!

Legi etiam alias litteras in quibus nec quis scripserit, nec ad quos scriptum sit, significanter expressum est. Et quoniam me in iisdem litteris et scriptura et sensus et chartae ipsae quoque moverunt ne quid ex vero vel subtractum sit vel immutatum, eamdem ad vos epistolam authenticam remisi, ut recognoscatis an ipsa sit quam Crementio hypodiacono perferendam dedistis. Perquam etenim grave est si epistolae clericae veritas mendacio aliquo et fraude corrupta est. Hoc igitur ut scire possimus, et scripturam et subscriptionem an vestra sit recognoscite, et nobis quid sit in vero rescribite. Opto vos, fratres charissimi, semper bene valere.

I’m no good judge in matters of style but the letter of the Roman clergy is definitely less pleasant to read than Cyprian’s. For instance, the very first sentence makes it look like a Crementio subdiacono depends on secessisse, while it is in fact expanding didicimus:
Didicimus secessisse benedictum Papatem Cyprianum a Crementio subdiacono, (…)

I also wonder if Cyprian is not playfully echoing the beginning of Epistola II at the start of his own letter, with pairs like secessisse/excessu, certa/incertus, etc.:
Epistola II Didicimus secessisse benedictum Papatem Cyprianum a Crementio subdiacono, qui a uobis ad nos uenit certa ex causa.
Epistola III Cum de excessu boni viri collegæ mei rumor apud nos incertus esset, fratres carissimi, et opinio dubia nutaret, accepi a vobis litteras ad me missas per Crementium hypodiaconum (…)

Note also subdiaconus (Rome) vs. hypodiaconus (Cyprian). A quick Ctrl-F search in a scanned edition seems to show that Cyprian nevers uses subdiaconus.

Thanks Shenoute. I’m still with you.

Let me see if I’ve got this straight. The Roman clergy write criticizing Cyprian for deserting his flock and going into hiding. And Cyprian, in response, instead of defending himself or offering an excuse (as he does elsewhere), impugns the authenticity of their letter. You call this “clever” of him, but it seems downright dishonest to me (unless he really does have grounds for calling it into question). As a politically motivated prevarication it’s understandable, I suppose (does anyone expect politicians to be honest?), but no less discreditable for that.
And how much of this is historical, and genuine correspondence, would you say? You point to echoes in the language of each party and write as if they’re actual documents with Cyprian’s playing off the Romans’,. But is this right? I think of the Life of Alexander the Great for instance, with some terrific two-way letters, and there are many others.

And I thought I had been clever by restricting myself to calling his answer “clever” :confused: I meant just that, not that it was morally justifiable or the right thing to do. Like you, I was surprised by it, thinking this looked more like a Cicero move or the like (Cyprian was a lawyer by trade) but not exactly becoming of a bishop.

But, that’s just my knee-jerk reaction. Generally speaking, I don’t find it useful or interesting to judge past figures according to my personal 21st-c. ideas about right or wrong*. This is especially true in the case at hand here, since I lack the knowledge to properly contextualise Cyprian’s actions.

If I remember correctly things I have read, Cyprian justified his going into hiding mainly by pointing to the fact that the Church of Carthage (because of the lengthy peaceful period it had known so far) was materially and spiritually not ready to face a persecution and needed its bishop’s guidance in these two fields. I think he also made mention of God telling him his time had not yet come, as well as quoted Matt. 10:23 “But when they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another”.
But this is all based on some limited preliminary reading I did before tackling the letters. I guess I’ll get a clearer picture of what Cyprian said his motivations were as I move further into his correspondance (and his De Lapsis too, iirc).

Another fact to take into account is that Cyprian would have no qualms about facing martyrdom during the next persecution in 258. Of course, this does not absolve him from the accusation of cowardice eight years before but I think it is something to keep in mind when pondering the events of 250.

And how much of this is historical, and genuine correspondence, would you say?

Good question, and one that was in my mind the first time I read some of these letters!
Again, I don’t have a deep knowledge of past and present academic literature on Cyprian, but, as far as I know, I don’t think the authenticity of the correspondence as a whole has been questioned.

*Well, it’s a bit more complex than that of course. A picture of such-and-such author as a rather (un)likeable figure emerges, whether I want it or not, but me thinking highly or poorly of their actions and passing a definitive judgement on them (or one specific event) is not a goal I pursue. I think my reading them works the other way round, with my reflection on my ideas/morals/etc. being nourished and stimulated by their works. So, more a from-them-to-me rather than from-me-to-them process (if that makes sense).
Maybe a topic for another thread?

Hi I have followed all this with interest mainly because I know nothing about the subject and hope to learn something new.

Referring to earlier posts which deal with the “authenticity” of “official proceedings” it reminds me of the problem all readers have in reading historical texts. Fresh from the Nero exhibition, of course, I have in mind Tacitus’ account which tells us a great deal about his politics and anxieties but perhaps leaves the object of his account beyond our grasp. Perhaps this is more appropriate to another thread however.

I am posting mainly because a Bryn Mawr review of “Éric Rebillard, The early martyr narratives: neither authentic accounts nor forgeries. Divinations: rereading late ancient religion. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020” turned up in my inbox. I dont think anyone was suggesting that the texts discussed in this thread were outright forgeries but this book wants to move the debate on from a simplistic binary choice.

The review is here:
The early martyr narratives: neither authentic accounts nor forgeries
Éric Rebillard, The early martyr narratives: neither authentic accounts nor forgeries. Divinations: rereading late ancient religion. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020. Pp. 192. ISBN 9780812252606 $59.95.
Review by
Christine Rauer, University of St. Andrews. cr30@st-andrews.ac.uk
Éric Rebillard is well known as the author of numerous works on religious practices in late antiquity, both Christian and pre-Christian, and published in French and English. Among these, several stand out for having provided considerable nuance and freshness to long-standing scholarly disputes. For example, in The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity (2010), Rebillard recalibrates our ideas of early Christian burial rites towards greater kin involvement, as opposed to church-related practices. Rebillard achieves some fine-tuning also in Christians and their Many Identities in Late Antiquity, North Africa, 200-450 CE (2012) in helping readers move away from clichéd identity politics. The volume under discussion here similarly aims to plant a Columbus’ egg where progress has been lacking with other commentators (‘impasse’, p. 4), namely on the troublesome question whether early martyr narratives constitute authentic accounts or forgeries, both of which options Rebillard rejects here. He urges greater focus on the self-consciously literary format of such texts and their literary significance, as opposed to their compositional history. The volume is in that sense a monograph in the true sense of the word: very much focused on a single topic, argued tightly, relatively short with 87 pages of referenced discussion and readable in just a few sittings.

Rebillard’s argument relies on examination of a fresh corpus of texts, namely those which can be regarded as the earliest texts (which here means martyrs executed before 260 AD and texts attested before 300 AD) and their context of use. Two of the texts under discussion are in Greek, BHG 1546 on Pionius and BHG 1556-59 on Polycarp; two in Latin, BHL 6633 on Perpetua and BHL 2041 on Cyprian. Even these early texts are shown to have been composed not contemporaneously with the martyrdom of victimised individuals, but subsequently, in a polemical context (ch. 1, pp. 5, 15, 20), with a view to strengthening the already growing authority of the confessors and martyrs in question. In a review of late antique anti-Christian legal protocol (ch. 2), with its charges of conspiracy (the crimes being treason and criminal damage to maiestas), Rebillard highlights the major differences between the surviving court documentation and early hagiographical texts. Early hagiography seems to have been augmented with stylised protocol-type material, rather than containing such material as interpolations. ‘Using court protocols (…) is a very different practice from reproducing them’ (p. 32). The composition of early martyr narratives is also said to be dissociated from conversion measures (p. 20), located as it is in a later environment which had already accepted Christian authority. Rebillard’s sceptical stance (p. 35) towards any links between the literary expressions of martyrdom and the socio-historical origins martyrdom itself, as posited by Glen Bowersock,[1] also seems convincing. ‘We need to retire the early martyr texts from being used by historians of the repression and persecution of Christians and promote their study as textual productions in the larger context of Christian writings’ (p. 87). Rebillard’s approach, then, involves greater attention paid to literary function, which recontextualises the texts with later material focused on the same saints, or the saint’s diachronic ‘dossier’, as it is sometimes called in hagiographical studies. This seems to this reviewer to be a constructive way forward and is likely to appeal particularly to those specialising in later, medieval treatments of saintly traditions. If we agree that later traditions consist of a highly diversified narrative picture, then Rebillard shows that this varied picture arises very early, in fact with the earliest surviving textual witnesses.

The sheer prevalence of stylising features in hagiography of all ages (poetic renderings, translations, augmentations and abridgements, vivid dialogue, use of direct speech, some of which are adduced by Rebillard) all stand in the way of creating an impression of ‘authentic’ legal history on the one hand and forgery intended to deceive on the other. Instead, such stylisation makes the texts useful in devotional contexts and for homiletic recycling. As the author observes (pp. 38 and 40), the observing ‘we’ in hagiographical texts can often be interpreted as representing all Christians, not a specific individual or narrator who witnessed a single historical event.

An important corollary of this plea for fluid, ‘living texts’ (p. 5) is the author’s lack of faith in traditional editing practices, with their focus on the reconstruction of an ‘original’ version of a text (p. 45), often pointless in a hagiographical context. The alternative preference is a larger conspectus of ‘stories without authors and without texts’ (p. 43), potentially in synoptic editions presenting multiple text versions (a sample of which is offered in Appendix B, for the Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs, BHL 7527, 7529, 7531, 7532, 7533, BHG 1645). This seems a fair stance in a genre where some saintly dossiers underwent enormous numbers of contributions, re-writes, and revisions. It will be clear to anyone researching hagiography that the Bollandists’ BHL/BHG classification system,[2] based on the now dated assumption that clear boundaries can always be found between text versions, is imperfect. It could be observed, however, that this system was merely intended as an initial tool for ordering vast amounts of complex material. One could also add that the now dated, rigid system that takes snapshots of individual text versions at fixed points in time does in fact aid discussion and intellectual exchange between modern researchers, who are thus able to converse about specific textual phenomena, a result which would be considerably harder to achieve if highly complex synoptic editions are used to reference a tangle of ‘living text’. But the author’s argumentation deals carefully with these complexities and (often unresolvable) imperfections in our modern academic responses—responses to material which was evidently composed without regard to our modern needs. Whether synoptic editions and digital editions (both briefly discussed by Rebillard, ch. 3, p. 58) can offer better results remains to be seen.

A similar approach can also be found in the publications of some other commentators, although less clearly and less extensively argued out. For example, Walter Berschin’s large-scale genre survey of Latin hagiography (not cited by Rebillard)[3] also comes down firmly on the side of those who like to contextualise the purported Acts as a self-consciously styled literary genre imitating more bureaucratic formats of documentation. Berschin similarly argues for contextualising such texts as ever-changing constellations of a multitude of genre conventions.

If the main goal in this book is ‘to change the conversation about martyr narratives’ (Conclusion, p. 85), then Rebillard’s lucidly argued and methodical investigation stands a good chance of achieving this. The volume’s index helpfully includes not just keywords, but also references to authors of secondary literature, which makes it easy for readers to revisit and re-evaluate earlier contributions to this long-running discussion.

Notes

[1] G. W. Bowersock, Martyrdom and Rome (Cambridge, 1995).

[2] BHL = Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, ed. Bollandists, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1899–1901) and H. Fros, Novum Supplementum (Brussels, 1986); BHG = Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, ed. Bollandists, 3rd edn F. Halkin, 3 vols. (Brussels, 1957) and F. Halkin, Auctarium (Brussels, 1969).

[3] W. Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil im lateinischen Mittelalter, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters, 5 vols (Stuttgart, 1986-2004), I, 37-46 and 94-110.You might find it interesting.

Thanks again Shenoute. Yes it’s of little value to pass judgment on people in history, even though we can’t help doing so and we’re surely not bound to exclusively 21st-century feelings about their actions. But I know that’s not what you’re about, and I’m not either. And knowing so little about it I’m quite willing to believe Cyprian’s correspondence is no less genuine than Cicero’s! You mist forgive me if I keep a soupcon of scepticism in reserve, but from now on I’ll try not to make such a nuisance of myself.
PS I now see Seneca’s post, which seems complementary. But I’m through for the day.

Thanks for stopping by, Seneca! and thanks for posting the review, I’ll read it soon.

I hope my previous answers didn’t give you the impression you were a nuisance. Your comments are always welcome!

Epistola IV (Saluto vos incolumis per Dei gratiam…)

An interesting letter in that it offers a glimpse of what being in prison for being Christian looked like in 3rd c. Carthage. After some considerations on the distribution of financial help, Cyprian tells his clergy that they should be careful not to visit the prisoners in large groups, and that there should be some turnover for priests and deacons going there to celebrate.

Peto quoque ut ad procurandam quietem solertia et sollicitudo vestra non desit. Nam etsi fratres pro dilectione sua cupidi sunt ad conveniendum et visitandum confessores bonos quos illustravit jam gloriosis initiis divina dignatio, tamen caute hoc, et non glomeratim, nec per multitudinem simul junctam puto esse faciendum, ne ex hoc ipso invidia concitetur, et introeundi aditus denegetur, et dum insatiabiles totum volumus, totum perdamus. Consulite ergo et providete ut cum temperamento hoc agi tutius possit, ita ut presbyteri quoque qui illic apud confessores offerunt, singuli cum singulis diaconis per vices alternent, quia et mutatio personarum et vicissitudo convenientium minuit invidiam.

This letter is one of the first I read of Saint Cyprian, a few years ago, and I remember being somewhat suprised by the fact that Christians could visit the prisoners (albeit with some precautions). I guess my idea of persecutions against the Christians was somehow based on Nazi methods against Jews and the Résistance: setting up mousetraps to capture every visitor of a specific meeting point over a few days, ruthlessly hunting down as many victims as possible, etc.

As for Christians in Carthaginian prisons, I find it difficult to imagine that the authorities would ignore that Christians were visited by their fellow brethern or that priests were celebrating. Which raises the question: did higher authorities ceased to care about arresting Christians as long as they got a certain amount of them? Were the jailors bribed to turn a blind eye (which could explain the “don’t overdo it” instructions given by Cyprian)?

Interesting vocabulary items:

  • circa in laetus quod circa incolumitatem quoque vestram omnia integra esse cognoveram.
  • cupidus ad
  • bare offere (for offere sacrificium?) in presbyteri quoque qui illic apud confessores offerunt
  • fraternitas to refer to the community in Fraternitatem universam salutate.

Epistola V (Optaveram quidem, fratres carissimi, ut universum clerum…)

More practical and spiritual advice from afar to his clergy by Cyprian and a brief explanation on why he went into hiding:

Et quanquam causa compelleret ut ipse ad vos properare et venire deberem, primo cupiditate et desiderio vestri, quae res in votis meis summa est, tum deinde ut ea quae circa ecclesiae gubernacula utilitas communis exposcit tractare simul et plurimorum consilio examinata delimare possemus, tamen potius visum est adhuc interim latebram et quietem tenere respectu utilitatum aliarum quae ad pacem omnium nostrum pertinent et salutem quarum vobis a Tertullo fratre nostro carissimo ratio reddetur: qui pro caetera sua cura quam impense divinis operibus impertit, etiam hujus consilii auctor fuit ut cautus et moderatus existerem, nec me in conspectum publicum, et maxime ejus loci ubi toties flagitus et quaesitus fuissem, temere committerem.

It seems then that Cyprian’s decision to go into hiding during the persecution originated from one Tertullus. I’m curious to see how this will be articulated with other the reasons I mentioned in an another post.


Cyprian uses the word invidia again (well, invidiosa here) to characterise the feeling Christians must take care not to arouse among the rest of the population (see the quote from Epistola V above for two mentions of invidia). This again gives me the impression that at this stage of the persecution it was more about being discreet than being invisible: something like “authorities could easily arrest more of us if they wanted to but as long as we keep a low profile we can still do things”. Cyprian, by virtue of being the bishop and a very public figure, would arouse more invidia than other members of the clergy.

Fretus ergo et dilectione et religione vestra, quam satis novi, his litteris et hortor et mando ut vos, quorum minime illic invidiosa et non adeo periculosa praesentia est, vice mea fungamini circa gerenda ea quae administratio religiosa deposcit.

Cyprian also mentions a decision he took at the beginning of his episcopate, about how he would take advice from his clergy and heed his flock’s will:

Ad id vero quod scripserunt mihi compresbyteri nostri Donatus et Fortunatus, Novatus, et Gordius, solus rescribere nihil potui, quando a primordio episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro et sine consensu plebis, mea privatim sententia gerere.

Epistola VI (Et jampridem vobis, fratres carissimi et fortissimi, litteras miseram…)

The (or some of the?)confessores have been released from jail but, while Cyprian rejoices at the glory they have acquired for themselves, he is worried because he has learned that some of them are behaving improperly now:

Quantum dolemus ex illis quos tempestas inimica prostravit, tantum laetamur ex vobis, quos diabolus superare non potuit. Hortamur per communem fidem, per pectoris nostri veram circa vos et simplicem caritatem, ut qui adversarium prima hac congressione vicistis, gloriam vestram forti et perseveranti virtute teneatis. Adhuc in saeculo sumus, adhuc in acie constituti sumus, de vita nostra quotidie dimicamus. Danda opera est, ut post haec initia ad incrementa quoque veniatur et consummetur in vobis quod jam rudimentis felicibus esse coepistis. Parum est adipisci aliquid potuisse. Plus est quod adeptus es posse servare; sicut et fides ipsa et nativitas salutaris, non accepta, sed custodita, vivificat. (…)

Quid deinde illud, quam vobis execrandum debet videri, quod cum summo animi nostri gemitu et dolore cognovimus non deesse qui Dei templa et post confessionem sanctificata et illustra membra turpi et infami concubitu suo plus maculent, cubilia sua cum feminis promiscua jungentes, quando etsi stuprum conscientiae eorum desit, hoc ipso grande crimen est quod illorum scandalo in aliorum ruinas exempla nascuntur.

At the end of the letter he mentions sending financial support to the community:

Et quamquam clero nostro et nuper cum adhuc essetis in carcere constituti, sed nunc quoque denuo plenissime scripserim ut si quid vel ad vestitum vestrum vel ad victum necessarium fuerit suggeratur, tamen etiam ipse de sumpticulis propriis quos mecum ferebam misi vobis CCL. sed et alia CCL. proxime miseram. Victor quoque ex lectore diaconus, qui mecum est, misit vobis CLXXV.

I wonder what Cicero would have thought of this letter and similar texts. What would he make of such loaded words and expressions such as confessor, nativitas salutaris, or saeculum ? A few “new” words, a very different mindset, and it feels like a whole nother world despite the language not being that different.

Epistola VII (Quamquam sciam…)

Cyprian writes to his priests and deacons to underline the necessity of prayer, explaining the ongoing persecution can be seen as a results of sin:

Intelligendum est enim et confitendum pressurae istius tam turbidam vastitatem, quae gregem nostrum maxima ex parte populata est et adhuc usque populatur, secundum peccata nostra venisse, dum viam Domini non tenemus, nec data nobis ad salutem coelestia mandata servamus. Fecit Dominus noster voluntatem patris, et nos non facimus Domini voluntatem, patrimonio et lucro studentes, superbiam sectantes, aemulationi et dissensioni vacantes, simplicitatis et fidei negligentes, saeculo verbis solis et non factis renuntiantes, unusquisque sibi placentes, et omnibus displicentes.

Towards the end of the letter, Cyprian uses the word lapsi (et lapsorum poenitentia reformetur) to designate those who faltered during persecution and apostasized. They can be opposed to the stantes in fide he mentions earlier on. I think this may be the first occurrence of this word in the letters but I am not sure. The question of how the Christian community should treat the lapsi (should they want to rejoin the Church) would soon become a very controversial topic.

At one point, Cyprian uses the diminutive morula (Dic illi, inquit, securus sit, quia pax ventura est; sed quod interim morula est, supersunt adhuc aliqui qui probentur). In the previous letter I noticed sumpticulus. Although Cyprian doesn’t seem to overdo it, the increased use of such diminutives is one of the characteristic of Christian Latin.

Epistola VIII (Exulto laetus et gratulor…)

This letter is adressed not to the clergy but to the martyrs and confessors (which shows, I guess, that these words are not used in the exact same way they would be today).

Cyprian praises their steadfastness in the fight they went through, drumming up words and images related to this idea:

Crevit pugna, crevit et pugnantium gloria. Nec retardati estis ab acie tormentorum metu, sed ipsis tormentis magis ac magis ad aciem provocati, fortes et stabiles ad maximi certaminis praelium prompta devotione redistis. (…) universos autem quos agmine glorioso carcer inclusit pari ac simili calore virtutis ad gerendum certamen animatos, sicut esse oportet in divinis castris milites Christi, (…) congressi in acie donec acies succumberet victa. (…) Vidit admirans praesentium multitudo coeleste certamen, certamen Dei, certamen spiritale, praelium Christi, stetisse servos ejus voce libera, mente incorrupta, virtute divina, telis quidem saecularibus nudos, sed armis fidei credentes armatos.

At this point, Cyprian moves on to a slightly more graphic description:

Steterunt torti torquentibus fortiores, et pulsantes ac laniantes ungulos pulsata ac laniata membra vicerunt. Inexpugnabilem fidem superare non potuit saeviens diu plaga repetita, quamvis rupta compage viscerum torquerentur in servis Dei jam non membra, sed vulnera. Fluebat sanguis qui incendium persecutionis extingueret, qui flammas et ignes gehennae glorioso cruore sopiret.

A slightly different take on the blood of martyrs compared to Tertullian’s well known Plures efficimur, quoties metimur a vobis: semen est sanguis Christianorum (not that the two are incompatible).

Torti torquentibus reminded me of tormenta sine fine tortoris in Epistola VII.