huilen wrote:δέχθαι, δέξασθαι, 23
κλυθί, κλύε, 37
δαμᾷ, δαμάσει, 61
ἐρείομεν, ἐρέομεν, 62
δέχθαι is a strange form, which I take to be present, equivalent to δέχεσθαι (middle in form, active in meaning). Pharr apparently takes it as aorist, but I can't imagine how to explain it as aorist. Homer has other comparable forms, which seem to point to an athematic equivalent of δέχομαι (i.e. without the -ο-). That would make it an older form. In form, but presumably not in origin, it's the perfect (infin. δεδέχθαι) minus the δε- reduplication.
κλῦθι (so to be accented, the accentuation being recessive and the upsilon being long)* has the old imperative -θι ending, like e.g. ἴθι "go". (Another "athematic" form.)
δαμᾷ you could derive from δαμάσει by a regular process of sound changes: loss of the sigma (as in the so-called "attic" future), contraction of -άει to ᾷ. All quite regular, but would be unusual as early as Homer. Maybe there's some other explanation.
ἐρείομεν for ἐρέομεν is a case of "metrische Dehnung," metrical lengthening: short vowels are sometimes lengthened for the sake of the metre. Here it may possibly reflect an original digamma at the end of the ἐρε- stem, though I'd take it as a simple case of lengthening of -ε- myself. Since ἐρέομεν can't be fitted into hexameter verse (ερεο 3 successive short syllables), some adjustment has to be made. There's a lot more prosodic fudging in Homeric verse than meets the eye.
So none of these are actual "contractions," except possibly δαμᾷ (but I somehow doubt it). I don't know what "rules" Pharr gives. I stand open to correction on any of this, I haven't consulted authorities.
* In κλῦθί μοι the acute accent is thrown back from the enclitic μοι, it doesn't belong to the verb itself. Why the upsilon is long (in this verb it's normally short) I don't know, but it is. (For the sake of the metre, I guess.)